Review of 'Echoes of the Eurasian Steppe in the Daily Culture of Mamluk Military Society'

Author: Jonathan Kočevar

Date: Tuesday, December 06, 2022

In the article, Echoes of the Eurasian Steppe in the Daily Culture of Mamluk Military Society, Historian Reuven Amitai compiles a look at many of the pagan and Turkish roots of Mamluk life and paints a picture of a unique Islamic society infused with many traditions of the Central Asian peoples. Through analysis of social traditions, hunting and animal husbandry, and recreation and spiritualism, it is clear that while the Mamluk Sultanate was a bastion of Islam during its centuries of control, many Turkic pagan traditions were still deeply prevalent within its culture.

To begin, many of the Turkic social traditions concerning interpersonal interaction played a large role in Mamluk society. For example, Amatai notes the wide use of the Turkish language between Mamluks both native and not native to the lands of the Qipchaq Turks. Many Arabic sources note in passing the prevalence of the Turkish language within Mamluk circles, serving as the predominant language of the slave-soldier caste. To function in the society of the Mamluk military, it was a given that slaves of non-Turkish origin had to learn the Qipchaq tongue. Another example of the heavy prevalence of Turkish tradition within the slave caste was the personal naming conventions of new slaves. Much like the language they spoke, the personal names of slaves were often Turkish, even if the individual slave shared no heritage with the Turks. The public name of a Mamluk was still Arabic in origin, and they were referred to in their Arab name in most communications, but personally, between family and other Mamluks, he was to use his personal name of Turkish origin. The tradition within the Mamluk realm was held with high regard, with Mamluk’s bearing their given private Turkish names as a status symbol, a symbol binding them to the majority Turkish-Mamluk hybrid culture shared by the rest of their slave caste.

Another aspect of Mamluk culture infused with that of the peoples of the Eurasian steppe was the act of hunting, and in a broader sense, a connection to horsemanship. The steppe has long been known for its horseback-heavy culture, and its roots can be seen all over Mamluk society. Regarding the tradition of hunting, the text uses the example of Sultan Baybars’ military campaigns against the Crusaders in the lower levant. It is said that Baybars directed orders to go on the hunt for lions both on foot and horseback directly before marching on the nearby stronghold of Arsuf. Besides the recreational activity of the hunt, it also served as a great way to both actively prepare the soldiers, and scout out the terrain and enemy forces before contact. Amatai connects the practice back to the steppe, writing on “the famous phenomenon of the role of the large scale hunt among the Mongols, which had as one of its purposes the training of coordination among large numbers of soldiers and units.”¹ The nature of the hunt in Islamic culture was infused with the strategic and militaristic purposes of the Turkic peoples which had brought them, a recurring theme in Mamluk society. Another use of horses was in the laʿb al-kura, known in English as the game of the ball or the game of polo. While the game’s origins are generally thought to be from Persia or Central Asia², it became a large tradition within the lands of the step which the Qipchaqs inhabited. Amatai derives from these Turkish roots that the origin of the avid playing of the game by the Mamluks in Egypt and the Levant is from the steppe. The game was a direct import of the traditions of the majority Turkish slave caste. It was such an important part of Mamluk culture that the role of managing the Sultan’s polo equipment became a prestigious title in itself. Much in line with steppe horse culture, the game also displayed the riding skills of the individuals playing, a friendly competition with functionality both in improving the skills of the rider and allowing him to gain prestige among peers.

Connections between the Turkish cultures of Eurasia and the native Mamluk culture of Egypt are noticeable when analyzing spirituality and casual recreation. Many connections between the pagan spiritual traditions of the steppe and the Mamluks realm are made within the text. While Amatai notes its prevalence and commonality are disputable, historians during the Mamluk era record instances of Turkish shamanism, notably cases of scapulimancy, the act of reading cracks of shoulder blades of sheep as an act of divination and fortune, something that was common throughout the Western Eurasian steppe to.³ While a rare and taboo subject, there were undoubtedly pagan influences to spirituality in the upper echelons of Mamluk culture. Another Mamluk pastime with Turkic roots outlined within the article was the act of drinking qumiz, a fermented beverage made of mares milk. Although Alcohol is prohibited in Islamic law, there are many records of qumiz drinking parties within the Mamluk realm, with accounts detailing even the aforementioned Sultan Baybars as attending frequently. The pagan traditions of many Mamluks were not forgotten upon subjugation into the Islamic society of the Mamluk sultanate.

To conclude, through a summary of Amatai’s article highlighting the social traditions, hunting and recreation, and spiritual and cultural practices of the Mamluk slave caste, it is evident that much of the native culture of the Turks can be found infused within Mamluk institutions. The realm of the Mamluk sultanate was at its core an Islamic realm, but many pagan influences, notably the influences of the Qipchaq Turks of the Eurasian steppe, played a large part in all sectors of Mamluk culture unlike many of the other sultanates of its day.

Works Cited